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BIAFRA
AGITATION: ANY JUSTIFICATION
CHAPTER ONE
BIAFRA AS
LED BY CHUKWUEMEKA ODUMEGWU OJUKWU
1.1 The
Remote Causes of the Biafra Declaration
By remote causes we mean those errors
committed, mistakes made, events, etc. that in one way or the other contributed
to the Nigeria’s political instability, which are often ignored, but form the
bedrock of the immediate crises that led to the attempted secession. We need to
note, and importantly too, that these remote causes date back to
pre-amalgamation era, and equally too, that their negative consequences still
persist as freshly as ever till today.
Before the arrival of the colonial
masters, the different peoples that make up what we now call Nigeria lived as
independent kingdoms, empires, republics, caliphates etc. These peoples had
their different socio-political structures, cultures and (sometimes) religion,
which in most cases differed greatly from one another’s. In the North, it was a
highly centralized socio-political structure, with the caliph at the head
possessing an absolute power both in political, judicial and religions matters.
It was a theocracy with Arab oriented culture and the official religion was
Islam.
In the South the case was different.
Here we see diverse political administrative systems and cultural orientations,
with some little similarities among some groups. In the Yoruba dominated
South-West it was another form of centralized system of government which was
more democratic and largely less totalitarian than the one in the North. Their
orientation was basically African both in religion and culture. The most
prominent among the Yoruba kingdoms was the old Oyo Empire. Moving eastwards
from there you meet Benin kingdom in the Mid-West which had some similarities
with the Yoruba kingdoms but politically independent of them. There are equally
some other smaller independent political entities and kingdoms in places like
Bonny, Kalabari, Lagos etc.
Coming to the Igbo dominated East,
the system of government was mainly republican. The small political units
scattered everywhere independent of one another. The system was totally
decentralized and no one had the power to lord it over the other, yet they had
leaders who just had the mandate to represent their people the way the people
wished. Everybody was involved in the political life of the community and
everything was by consensus; thorough republicanism.
When the colonial masters came, they
signed treaties of protection with
these different peoples and these treaties were most often signed after long
wars of resistance1. This means that some of these peoples never for once
accepted the colonial masters’ protection, but were rather overpowered. What
followed immediately was total exploitation of their resources in the name of protective
administration. These different peoples were summarily administered separately
but the major dividing line was drawn between the North and the South as
separate entities. These peoples were later fused together for the British
economic and administrative conveniences without their consent; they were only
talked to and not talked with. This is how what we now call Nigeria falsely
came to be a country, after the 1914 amalgamation.
After the amalgamation, one would
expect the colonial masters to begin to unify the minds of these peoples who
had little or nothing in common and more still who never consented to the
amalgamation. This never happened; instead the reverse was the case. The
British did all they could to plant as much disharmony as possible among these
different peoples till they left, that the effects are ever strongly holding
the so-called country to ransom till today. Yet they tried their best very
cleverly to prevent any section from leaving the fold and granted them
independence as a country and still fight for its corporate existence more than
any person till today. At this point a normal thinking mind will ask, ‘Why this
double standard?’. Alexander Madiebo puts the answer thus:
The
federation of Nigeria as it exists today has never really been one homogenous
country, for its widely differing peoples and tribes are yet to find any basis
for true unity. This unfortunate yet obvious fact notwithstanding, the former
colonial master had to keep the country one, in order to effectively control
his vital economic interest concentrated in the more advanced and “politically
unreliable” South.2
Despite all these, there have never
been any serious efforts by either the British themselves or the Nigerian
government afterward to find a basis under which there would be true unity, to
bring these peoples together. The colonial master would not allow that to
happen for such a move would be a great threat to their economic interest for
which the disunity was deliberately created. They would rather go on to
introduce more measures of ‘divide and rule’ policy which would always go
further to widen the gap between the different ethnic nationalities.3 What this
is saying is that contrary to our belief, Nigeria as a country does not exist.
What we rather see is a mere shadow whose real existence is in the British
economic world, in the manner of Plato’s world of forms. Thus, it is only the
peoples identified with this name that exist.
My conclusions may sound superfluous,
or frivolous, or even sentimental to some ears. To such people I would demand
to see the following with me. What should be the case in a country? Is it not
supposed to be a place where all citizens are equal in everything as the case
may be? A place where all citizens live safely in every part of the territory
without molestation by fellow citizens? A place where every citizen has equal
civil rights and can hold any political office in any place within the
territory? A place where citizens are recruited to government institutions
based on qualification and not on ethnic or religious identity? Is it not
supposed to be a place where all citizens are first class citizens and see the
whole territorial landmass as fatherland? The questions can go on infinitely.
But what has been the case in Nigeria from the time of colonialism to date?
The case has
been extremely opposite in Nigeria. In the first place, there are as many
territories as there are ethnic groups in Nigeria. An Igbo who finds himself in
Hausa land is totally an unsafe stranger who can be attacked and killed any
moment by the citizens of the land. An Hausa who is in Yoruba land is in turn a
stranger, and the case continues on. All these are products of the British
‘divide and rule’ policy which they carefully and consistently created and
maintained in their successive administrative constitutions. They emphasized
what divide the peoples than what unite them, and rather than treating them as
a people, they projected them as Igbo, Hausa, Yoruba, Christians, Muslims, etc,
among themselves and as enemies. They went further and polarized the so-called
country into Hausa-Fulani dominated North and, Yoruba and Igbo dominated South,
with the North having the seventy five percent of the total landmass and the
purported sixty percent of the total population.4 Yet some of the Hausa-Fulani
dominated minorities in the North have more affinity with the South than with
the North. The South was further divided into Igbo dominated East and Yoruba
dominated West and the later extraction of the Mid-West. This calculated
unbalanced polarization did not go without protests from the leaders of the two
sides of the South, yet it was imposed on them and meant to be the platform for
political activities from that moment on.
As one would
expect, based on the fact that this unbalanced division into regions was meant
to be the platform for political activities, the federal government
automatically became dominated by the North who had at least fifty percent of
the total seats in the Federal House of Representatives. This became the climax
of events that injected instability into the bloodstream of Nigeria’s polity.
How can a section of Nigeria dominate the rest put together and always dictate
to them what would be done? This single act destroyed every aspect of Nigeria’s
life as a political entity, starting from politics, which is the life wire of a
society, to civil service, economy and so on. Worse still the dictating North
was far behind the South intellectually that it became a case of the blind
leading the sighted. What would one expect from this other than a constant
revolt by the sighted who would always see the leading blind dangerously taking
him to a pit? The situation is even far from being better in the military as
the ethnic quota system of recruitment introduced shortly before the
independence offered a compulsory sixty percent recruitment to the North,
fifteen to West and East each and ten to Mid-West in any recruitment at all in
the Army.5 The sum total outcome of this would be nothing short of sacrificing
merit, competence, excellence, productivity, etc, on the alter of ethnic politics. Yet it is
always imposed on me to say that Nigeria is a country. But I know that in a
country every citizen is as important as the other and everything is therefore
done on the basis of the most competent whether or not they all come from one
section or even a family, provided they do it for the general good.
At this
juncture I would like us to think a bit. Do the above events appear
coincidental? Emphatically no! All the above happenings during the foundation
laying stone of the Nigeria’s permanent political structures were done for
certain ends, not for the people called Nigerians, but for the people that
masterminded them. They were permanently laying the foundation for the
inter-ethnic rivalry, conflicts, suspicion and hatred that has always made it
extremely difficulty for Nigeria to be a real country, besides laying the foundation
for today’s Nigeria’s steady movement away from development instead of the
other way round. If one is in doubt I would suggest that one casts one’s mind
through the history and study more closely the developments of events to date.
Before the
arrival of the British, these different peoples, even though they were of
different political sovereignties, had some friendly and diplomatic relations
among themselves especially through trade. They dwelled side by side more
peacefully than now. Their relationship with one another turned very bad with
the above happenings. They now find it extremely difficult to co-exist and
since then have always held one another to the throat. Yet they were going to
be a country by 1st October 1960, without first being a people. How would they
manage together to get their independence, one may ask? What would follow
afterwards?
The answers
to the questions above are not surprising at all. They never worked in harmony
even close to the independence. At a point the date for the independence itself
became a source of serious political clash between the poles, which was crowned
with the Kano riot of 1953 that left tens of thousands of Southerners in Kano
dead and their properties looted. It further led to the attempted secession of
the North5. Even among the Southerners themselves there was no unity of
purpose. Apart from the earlier nationalists like H.O. Davies, Herbert
Macaulay, Ernest Ikoli etc. who were true nationalists, in the West, the
younger generation of Yoruba politicians led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo were
ethnic nationalists who were fundamentally interested in the welfare of their
ethnic group other than the general good. 6 The same was also the case in the
North, were Ahmadu Bello was totally playing egocentric sectionalism,
especially after the independence. The Northerners led by Ahmadu Bellow once
said that the 1914 amalgamation of Nigeria was a regrettable mistake in the
Nigerian history7 while Awolowo said that Nigeria is a mere geographical
expression.8
In the East,
you again find a people of different belief altogether. Led by Dr. Nnamdi
Azikiwe, they strongly believed and worked for a united Nigerian course,
sometimes to a self-destructive extent. Thus Uwalaka puts it:
The early
Igbo positive disposition in the construction of this Nigerian project
contrasted sharply with the attitude of the leaders of the other two major
tribes, the Hausa and Yoruba… in 1947, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa(later to become the
first Nigerian Prime minister) said “since the Amalgamation of the Southern and
Northern provinces in 1914, Nigeria has existed as one country on
paper…”…Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto(later to become the first Nigerian
Governor of northern region ) said “Nigeria is so large and the people so
varied that no person with any real intellectual integrity would be so foolish
as to pretend that he speaks for the country as a whole.” We know the famous
statement of Obafemi Awolowo, the post independent Yoruba leader, that “Nigeria
is a mere geographical expression.”9
After
everything the summary is that there was no unity of purpose. There has always
been a strong division between North, East and West, but the division has been
stronger between North and South in general. Therefore the people we now parade
as Nigerian nationalists were actually ethnic nationalists, except in some
cases. But after everything, they got their so-called independence as a
country. How come that this could happen? At least from the story so far, there
is no basis for unity. Instead there have been some separatist signs. The
Muslim North had never wanted to associate with the Christian South, and had at
least once made a bold step to secession but which was neutralized by the
British.
Looking at
all these, there are certain things glaringly clear to any thinking mind. The
totality of the Nigerian political structure is a product of the British mind,
imposed on the people, for the former’s future use, despite protests by the
later. They had all this while been putting things in positions for use, mainly
after the so-called independence. Now look at it. The British strongly wanted
to lock these peoples together as a country, not in a real sense, but in a
formal sense, so that they would continually exploit them after the so-called
independence, as they would be at one another’s throats as had been
institutionalized. For this they cleverly neutralized every move towards
disintegration. Because they felt they could always deceive the North than the
South, they put everything in the control of the North, through the regional
inbalance by which the North would always control every political decision in
Nigeria through their population domination, and then they would now make the
North their mouthpiece and hence control Nigeria through them. That was why
they hypocritically played romance with the North to the detriment of other
sections, to deceive them into believing that they were friends, and always
inspired every of their political moves. But the North is only a means to an
end; we are all looked at together as Africans. Therefore Nigeria is not real;
instead it is a mere economic institution of the British. The so-called
Independence Day was the day everybody in Nigeria ‘gloriously’ matched into the
tract of the race to perpetual dependence and slavery, otherwise called
neo-colonialism. What happened after the so-called independence, which I
classify in this work as the immediate causes of the Biafra declaration gives
credence to this.
1.2 The
Immediate Causes of The Biafra Declaration.
After the
federal fraud called federal election 1959, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa and Chief Obafemi Awolowo became the Governor-General, the Prime
Minister and the opposition leader in the Federal House of legislature
respectively. Also, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief S.L. Akintola and Dr. Michael
Okpara became Premiers of North, West and East respectively and the race
started.
After the
independence, Nigeria was hailed as Africa’s hope for democracy. This was
because the independence was by peaceful means rather than violent revolution,
and because Nigeria was economically viable with great potentials for future
development, particularly in view of the large market it presented for industrial
goods.10 All this big hope came to nothing for the destructive seed of
ethnicity, corruption, inter-ethnic mutual hatred already institutionalized in
the system during the foundation laying by the colonial masters, which had long
matured into a big tree, soon began to disperse poisonous fruits into every
sector of the society’s life. There were socio-political explosive situations
originating from unhealthy inter-ethnic rivalry, nepotism, chauvinistic and
egocentric sectionalism, corruption, power tussle etc.
In the West
it was Action Group party crisis through which Awolowo and his group were
permanently neutralized with the purported treason offence and Akintola imposed
on the people despite their protests. The West turned into ‘Wild-West.’ The
East had relative peace except for the census crisis of 1962/63 and federal
election crisis of 1964, none of which was regional crisis in a strict sense,
and perhaps, the case of Isaac Adaka Boro. In the North, the Chief actor was
Ahmadu Bello who ruled the whole federation from Kaduna through the puppet
Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. He was a Muslim fanatic and an
Hausa-Fulani ethnic bigot.11 He was openly, and shamelessly too, an ethnic
chauvinist to an embarrassing degree.[2] He was the unrivalled leader of NPC, a
party which developed from a Northern ethnic organization. Because of the
regional imbalance, this party would perpetually have the majority seat in the
Federal House of Representatives and therefore was very powerful. The Sardauna
was therefore very powerful and enjoyed an unrivalled popularity in the North.
Because of his unrivalled popularity among the Northern politicians, coupled
with the Northern domination in the Federal House of Representatives, he held
the whole federation to ransom, and was politically undisciplined. He was
actually the Prime Minister in the body of Sir Tafawa Balewa.[3] He used
federal institutions like the military at will. Thus he used the military for
private matters and mainly for political purposes; with the federal Army he
politically suppressed Tiv minority uprising in the North. He was equally
behind the crisis in the West.[4]
In his bid
to stuff the whole rank and file of the federal military with the Northerners
he suffocated it with Northern chaffs, that every Northerner on trousers became
a military man, just to out-number the Southerners. Because of his power and
influence, military promotions were mainly based on ethnic identity, which
naturally favored the Northerners, while the Southerners who were ambitious had
to openly identify with Northern politicians before realizing their dreams.[5]
The military thus turned into a place of political maneuvers. The climax of
this maneuver was the competition between Brigadier Ademulegun and General
Aguiyi Ironsi on whom to succeed the last British General Officer Commanding
(GOC). Ademulegun was seriously romancing with Northern politicians by all
means while Aguiyi Ironsi showed little interest, but the latter was however
made the GOC after everything.[6] The result of all these was that the military
became a mockery; where seniority and competence did not matter again, and they
became politically conscious. The standard was fast running down to zero degree
because recruitments and promotions were based on ethnicity, rather than
competence. When all these things were happening remember, people were daily
being killed in the West and in Tiv land on political basis.[7] Worse still,
there were strong reasons to believe the rumours of an impending Islamic jihad
which was again linked to the Sardauna.[8]
As usual,
the poor masses bore the brunt of the above situation and could naturally
anticipate a military revolution. In the military, the issue of an impending
coup became a common talk. Seeing what was going on in the federation, some
more radical soldiers believed that coup d’etat was the only way out and
consequently struck on January 15, 1966. This coup, generally accepted as
Nzeogwu’s coup (but Ifeajuna’s for Ojukwu), took about a total of fifteen lives
of both soldiers and civilians, including the Surdauna and the Prime
Minister.[9] It succeeded in the North while failed in the South for the
following reasons.
The soldiers
had different views about the coup d’etat. There were those who believed that
the only way to move the federation foreword was through coup d’etat. They
include Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emma Ifeajuna, Don Okafor, Chris
Anuforo, Wole Ademoyega and their accomplices. Some supported the coup but
would not risk their lives and thus, remained neutral. Some others saw it as a
mutiny, considering their reaction during the coup. There were equally some
others who would not support it if they knew about it. These were mainly those
who dinned with the corrupt politicians; the circumstance favoured them. And so
on.
The soldiers
led by Major Nzeogwu succeeded in the North as Nzeogwu was in total control of
Kaduna. However, it is clear Odumegwu Ojukwu anticipated the coup and was on
the watch out. He could therefore arrest those sent to take over his unit and
maintained peace in Kano.[10] In the South, the coup was a total mess-up.
General Aguiyi Ironsi, the legitimate commander of the whole federal military,
escaped those sent for him in Lagos and still retained the control of the army
especially in Lagos.[11] Those sent to the East were placed between the devil
and the blue sea. They were placed in dilemma of either endangering the life of
an international guest, Archbishop Makarios, the Cypriot leader who visited the
Eastern Premier, Dr. Michael Okpara, as they went on with the coup or, save his
life by waiting till he left, which means delaying the coup.[12] After
everything, the coup was a caricature. Ironsi, still retaining his power,
having escaped the soldiers and seeing the coup as a mutiny, could successfully
foil it in the South. When some of the soldiers taking part in the coup found
out that Ironsi was still in control of the army in the South, they immediately
switched over to his side in fear while others ran away.[13] Everything now
boiled down to a situation of polarization of power; Ironsi in control of the
South while Nzeogwu in control of the North. Ironsi ordered Nzeogwu to
surrender but Nzeogwu was ready to have it out to a conclusive end with Ironsi
before he was advised by some army officers to surrender to Ironsi, at least
having succeeded in dethroning the corrupt regime.[14] Nzeogwu eventually
surrendered on certain conditions, which included non execution of those who
took part in the coup.
What
remained of the first republic regime formally handed power over to General
Aguiyi Ironsi through Dr. Nwafor Orizu, who was the acting president as Dr.
Azikiwe was outside the country, purportedly on health reasons.
When Aguiyi
Ironsi came to power, he made the greatest mistakes of his life which cost him
both his life and those of other millions of people. He wanted to impress the
Northerners by all means that he was not Igbo-centric but he ended up
worshipping them. He surrounded himself with too many Northerners and his
regime could in fact be called Northern regime, for he hardly took any decision
without their knowledge. To avoid suspicion, he forbade any Igbo person from
speaking Igbo in his office.[15] Again those he appointed to inquire into the
January 1966 coup were mainly biased Northerners.[16] Moreover, some
Northerners he placed in important positions were close associates of the
corrupt politicians killed in January coup, some of whom narrowly escaped the
executing bullets of the coup.
All these
people, realizing that Ironsi was ready to please them, had and used the whole
time to poison the minds of the Northern populace about the coup, which
initially was very popular among them. They aroused their emotions against the
Easterners and prepared their minds for reprisal attacks, in a well planned
programme of events. Ironsi himself lost his life in one of these attacks.
All that
eventually led to the civil war could have been avoided had Ironsi listened to
his Southern brothers, especially the Igbos. He only listened with full confidence,
to the Northerners around him who were heartlessly bent on destroying him. The
first part of the well organized pogrom which was evidently of Northern
government initiative, started on May 29, 1966, after which thousands of
corpses of Southerners littered the major cities in the North. The rioters
afterwards could not agree on a particular reason. For some, it was Ironsi’s
unitary system of government; some others, it was to avenge their leaders
killed in January coup; but for majority, they wanted secession for they would
not be part of any federation that is not headed by a Northerner.[17]
Seeing no
punitive measure from Ironsi against their first act, with full confidence they
came back the second time. It started between 28th and 29th May when Ironsi
visited the West on his nationwide tour. He was killed along with Lt. Col.
Francis Fajuyi, the Governor of the West. The same fate awaited soldiers of
Southern origin and Easterners in particular, majority of whom were not lucky
enough to escape. After the soldiers, the Eastern civilians became the primary
targets. Already Gowon had taken over power and declared ‘no basis for unity’.
What
followed afterwards was a momentary but continual massacre of Easterners
outside their region especially in the North, with a horrifying brutality that
took tens of thousands of lives. The killing cut across age, sex, status, and
took several barbaric forms. Some were locked up in houses and were either cut
down with sharp objects or set ablaze with the house. Many women above the age
of ten were raped to death while pregnant ones had their wombs ripped open, and
their foetuses publicly executed. Crying children scattered everywhere as they
were chased about and cut down. Some people’s heads were set on fire and allowed
to die a slow death, and so many other horrifying stories. Those who
successfully returned to the East alive were scarcely seen without serious
damage in their bodies and the East became over crowded as the Easterners
streamed back to the East.
As Ojukwu
was looking for a solution to this problem, Gowon remained heartless and was
officially pursuing Northern agenda aimed at perfecting a total extermination
of the Easterners. His diversionary ad hoc constitutional conference that took
off on 12th September 1966 was more of dictation than discussion for within few
weeks he and his Northern brothers endorsed one stand after the other till they
ironically came back to square one: They rioted for secession initially. In the
conference they now endorsed confederation. They later shifted to federation,
and eventually ended with the unitary system of government against which they
initially rioted, all within very few weeks, and with a threat to use force on
any group that failed to comply. What a hypocrisy and heartlessness!
The last
hope for peace was squandered when Ojukwu and Gowon interpreted the Aburi
Accord differently despite the fact that it was well documented. Ojukwu had
already seen the unrelenting thirst for the blood of the Easterners, and called
the Eastern Nigerian community leaders on May 26th , 1967, and detailed them on
the situation. The Consultative Assembly mandated him on May 27th, 1967, to
declare Eastern Nigeria at the earliest practicable date, a sovereign and
independent state with the Name ‘Republic of Biafra. Gowon’s swift reaction to
this was to abandon the Aburi Accord and create Nigeria into twelve states on
May 27, 1967. Ojukwu declared the republic of Biafra on May 30, 1967 and the
Biafran war started on July 6, 1967.[18]
1.3 The
Resultant War, Its Challenges and Responses.
As secession
was the only remaining alternative for self-defence, the Easterners wrongly
believed that the world having seen how greatly they had been treated unjustly,
would not support any attack on them by the Nigerian government. But this was
not to be true for international politics is a game of gain and not of
conscience. Moreover, some of the so-called powers had all these while been
collaborating with the Nigerian government that immediately the war broke out,
they threw their weight behind Gowon. Britain was actively supporting Nigeria
while America, though claimed neutral, did not recognize Biafra. Most of the
jets used by the Nigerian troops were Russian jets. Even though these people
posed as their reasons that secession was illegitimate, it was all for selfish
motives. Muslim African countries like Egypt pitched their tent with the
Nigerian government perhaps, on religious ground. Thus Egyptian pilots were
very active in Nigerian Air Force during the war. The most outstanding European
power on Biafran side was France and Black African countries like Ivory Coast,
Gabon, Zambia and Tanzania recognized Biafra, but their total help was far from
being sufficient. Faced with extreme difficulties, the creative ingenuity of
the Biafrans shone out. Thus they could invent in the areas of Agriculture,
armament etc.
The nature
of the war made Biafrans regard it as genocide, because from every indication
there were serious moves to exterminate every human being on the Biafran side.
The Russian jets were spreading explosives every place indicative of human
lives, like hospitals, market places, schools, houses etc. The total blockade
from foreign contact and the starvation measure which took more lives than ammunition
did, were basically targeted on the civilians. There was equally an alleged
poisoning of food coming into Biafra by the Nigerian government.
This war
dragged on for thirty months and Biafrans unable to withstand the pressures any
longer, surrendered shortly after Ojukwu had left for Ivory Coast. The total
death estimate is about three million.
1.4 The Consequences of the Biafran War.
After the
Biafran surrender, the Nigerian military head of state, Yakubu Gowon, declared
that there was ‘No Victor No Vanquished’
and declared the move of the federal government towards reconciliation,
rehabilitation and reconstruction concerning the war. In reality, the opposite
became the case for the war continued in a worse form; no longer as two independent
sovereignties but as a conqueror nation and the conquered territory. Contrary
to the expectation of the Easterners, there was a systematic further blockade
of relief materials immediately after the Biafran surrender by the Nigerian
government, causing more civilian deaths even more than recorded within the
last weeks of the war. Many Biafran soldiers were shot by Nigerian troops after
their surrender and those who survived were dismissed from the forces like
army, police etc. Many people’s last drop of hope for survival of the extremely
dehumanizing war-caused conditions were destroyed when they were allowed only
twenty pounds each from all they loaded into Nigerian banks before the war
ended, while those paralyzed by the war have since then been languishing at Oji
uncared for. Again, the reconstruction propaganda has not been matched with
action as the wanton destructions of the war have remained forgotten by the
federal government. To ever increase their sufferings and equally create
disunity among the Easterners, the properties of the Igbos in some places,
especially in Port-Harcourt, were declared abandoned till today. Besides making
life ever more difficult for the Igbos, this was meant to create disunity
between the Igbos and the inhabitants of Port-Harcourt, who being desperate
beyond control would most likely accept the offer of inheriting the properties
of the Igbos in their midst. To facilitate the destruction of Igbo solidarity
and identity, many Igbo communities have been forced to states dominated by
Igbo-hostile communities, which makes these Igbos deny their Igbo identity in
order to escape maltreatment. As these people were still desperately battling
with these blood-sucking and dehumanizing situations, indigenization policy was
introduced to sell the indigenized foreign companies to the ‘real citizens’ of
Nigeria; like the Yorubas who benefited most and are now the sole controllers
of the economic sector of the federation. This was systematically done in order
to permanently nail the Easterners to poverty and state of total exclusion,
while the ‘real citizens’ over-take them and permanently maintain control of
every sector of the federal government. Thus after everything, the Hausas
control power, Yorubas control economy, while the Igbos are labourers.
These and so
many other steps continually being added in order to systematically and
completely shatter the ‘Biafrans’ have continually and increasingly been the
case for more than thirty years after their surrender. This ever worsening
situation of perpetual slavery and dehumanization becoming increasingly
unbearable, and without any hope for a future change, this people remembered
Biafra again and bounced back to it but in a new way; it is now a new Biafra.
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(1) Your project
topics
(2) Email
Address
(3) Payment
Name
(4) Teller Number
We will send your material(s) after
we receive bank alert
BANK ACCOUNTS
Account Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account Number: 0046579864
Bank: GTBank.
OR
Account Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account Number: 2023350498
Bank: UBA.
FOR MORE INFORMATION, CALL:
08068231953 or 08168759420
AFFILIATE
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